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¥0 THS FRISSMEN OP KENTUCKY; 

From a Convention of Delegates friendly to the re.es 
lecitonof J0H>3 QUINCY ADAMS, as President 
of the United States, and held in the town of Frank- 
fort, on the 17tb, I8lh,aud I9ih days of December, 
1827. 

The right of any body of men to assemble together to consult of and devise 
means to promote their best inlereata, is embraced in the definition of fi'ee- 
dom. Availing ourselves of that right, we have met on bebaU" of the friends 
of the present administration of the General Government, throughout the 
state, wilh a view ot concentrating their energies, and of uniting their efforts, 
in the cause which we deem of vital importance to the prosperity andbappi' 
ness of the country. It is surely consonant to the spint and genius of oup 
free instiiutiona, that the people should meet together, whenever they think 
pDper, and if at any time it is inconvenient for them to do so, they whc 
choose, may have their sentiments expressed by persons appointed to re pre- 
«ent them. It is a right exercised by those opposed to us in political seivti- 
ment, and of which no freeman can or ought to c- uplain. It theflis«' 
by a body of freemen, of political subjects and of uie. relatjrepreti'u. • 
opposing candidates, to the first office in the gift of the pepp';e, is to be con* 
demned as dangerous to liberty, it will not he long before it wiUbe con'^ d- 
ered as equally dangerous for a smgle Individual ■. o express t:-: mr. rue < 
XJie inciiioc.B wr.ui- ~~^,^nt\nn di^ckimL on their n«rt, juiv d.r i 
portion of the community at large, ffiifey'lsM for tj: ,,. ,.1vps t^ 
they are wlliing to grant to every one else rhevhaveno" 
to gratifv, no deep rooted hatred to indulge\^ ^^ udiriduii 
serve, they know that they are clothed W'tl .,,,tiiuri' 
thev are all members of the same great communil^ ' , , g, ^ 

\y, they present this address to the public. 

Aji appeal made to the sober sense and reason of 
high political excitement, is too often received n 
zealous partiz.ans on either side. We will, how - 

with calmness and impartiality, the relative , . 

guished individuals before the people, for th.' ii J , i 

What is the nation, or Kentucky in pavticular, i > ^ , . r 

drew Jackson to the Presidency of the United Stute^ ,,-j 

he promoted, what, system is to be proposed, what n i- 

benefit the nation or our own state? General Jaqk? j 

silence, and while one state is zealous in his suppoir. I' , • 

to the constitutional right of Congress to make road ' 
improvements, another is supporting him with equal 
and friend of what has been emphatically termed v ■ 
h it right that this individual should receive the sup >! 
when at the time he receives it, he is perfectly aw: 
must be deceived in the course he will pursue? 
manly, independent and open character which his fi 
occasions, for him quietly to fold his arms, and with t: 
tehold the freemen of a whole state giving him their , 
f»voroftbe Tariffand of internal improvements; while ; 
Union support him, not as their choice, but solely on .: 
apposed to these measures? Is the office of Presid?:"' t«itij^ U 






'ft o 



ctes. 

notiie 



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one of such Mpl) and transcendent dignity, that its acpirants should ratl'»cr 
'.. stiffer whole conimunities to ren>ain in a state of deception, than to develope 
a single opinion entertained' It will be nnswerei: that the General has de« 
clared h'liViself in favor of a "judicious Tariff." dut what dcaDite mtaninj^ 
can be attached to these terms? What a Southern pHitician might 'ohsideV 
a judicious Tariff", would be fcoiwidered by the people of Kentucky Js wither- 
ing the energies and resources of the country. The fornnier might consider 
thatiTariff judiciou.s, which was imposed for the purpose of revenue, wliile 
Pt-nnsylvania, Oliio and Kentucky, would consider that mjudicious, which did 
not have for its object the protection of domestic manufactures. The tTm 
"judicious,' as applied by GeneralJackson, has a most latitudinous irtfport- 
Any course that he may chobsfe to pursue sliould he be elected, would i>rir>g' 
liim within the only pledge he has given. Shall Kentucky jeopardize ihat 
great system witlj which her interest is so blended and identified, by the hn?,-. • 
tv indulgence of 'feelings, produced by enthusiasm for military fame? 3hSll , 
s*je take a leap in the dark and put dovvn the p^esen^ administration, for su?- .' 
laining the very measures which she has been loudest in advocating? ■ It is 
rnuclr.feared if General Jackson should be elevated to the Presidential chaiq, 
that the great work of internal improvement is to be immolated on the alter 
of the constitution. We have the testimony 'of one man of distinguished abil- 
ity and reputation, that he* has already declared himself in favor of that con- 
struction of the cons'.itutign. in, opposition to which the virtuous Madison has 
raised his voice. His w&ijpi friends andpartizans throughout the Union, have 
arrayed themselves against tlie exercise, on tiie part <rf the General Govern- 
ment, of this all important power, ft was' by the casting vote of his intimate 
friend, the Vice-President, that the Illinois canal 50 important to a large sec- 
tion ot Kentucky, was entirely defeated. The agriculturalists in the soulhSni 
part of this state, lookerl wtih ar.xious expectation to the opening of that com- 
munication with the norlliern lake' It was through that channel that they 
hup'.d to have n pof tion 01 the agrir ,.f ural products of this country, witlidrawn 
fro w the greai southern cmpori -- ?<««--->/ ->-— •■■v.»..o, uiat 'aury soon ex- 
pected a lucrative 3nd most ad- ""^*f^^°"^ '^'^^^"^'^Sfe of commodities, between 
tlie nci^ih and west. They h.-*'^ .""* °"->' ^* '■'^S"^' ^•'ata measure consider- 
cdas ccnstitutional and ri'gl '' "'"'^" recommended by opc man, at one time, 
shoukll. -vip-vd by the sa. "^ P\'"son, at a diffc-rent period, under the excite- 
ment of party J-eling, a? ""Pp'''''c and trandscending the limits of the great 
charter i>f our libuicl.-- 't is '^ot pretended that General Jackson is to be 
made accountable for j '* .^'"^ votes of his friends, yet it is a lalr inference, 
that if (-lected, he v/ill r'Otform iiis cabinet from among his enemies. It must, 
from the nature of th I^SS- |^e concluded', that it will be composed from the 
number of the distingU'^j^ed individuids who now deny the right of the Gener- 
al government, 'o ir'tc'ere in the promotion of the "^general welfare," by thi 
erectionof a sing)<i ^^^'"'^ ^^ internal improvement, or by the extension of a 
fiingle chain to bin-V*"'?*^^''^'' !*'^ '^'^•^''^"^aiid distant portions of our extendi- 
cd territory, Th'- father of his countrj, early saw the importance of connect- 
jng tliu * nstern -'"^^ westerrt parts of tl^e United States, by roa<53 and canals, 
nnd of t:tui uniB'"^ distant countries. Under the auspices of Thomas Jeffer- 
son, the frcat rJ"C''>'»* work, the Cumberland foad was commenced,Vto which 
the demOr. ofpaf'y "f^'»e present day, would seem to say "thus far shall thou 
go but no farther" 

It would be •-' ansccnding the limits of this address, to go into an argu- 
ment upcr> the imt ortance of internal improvcmcntft, to the jirdsperity' 
ofthJ'^ .ountry,' It need only he remarked, that every portion of the 
tr -ed States should find a ready market for jts agricultural products; 
and that le^>!i*tor, by whose means one ceiit is added to the price, pei^ 
pound, of Pork, Flour, Lard, 6*0. deserves the gratitude of his country. 
The cotton growing and sugar planting States,' have flourished to an itn- 
mensc extent, under the foBtcring anj protecting care of tb« GeneraJ 



"^Government. ' A dfuty of ihrec cents per pound upon the articles of thels 

i^]i»roduce, secures to them an invalnable home market, while the nurperr 

oua acts passed for the protection of commerce, guaranty the safety of 

^Mheir exports. The populatioa of these states ;.mount to little upwa'rds 

'" of two millions,- while that of the grain growing and manufacturing dis^ 
trlcts, amount to upwards of five millions and a half. The whole ex- 
ports of the Dnited S.ates to Great Britain last year, amounted to up- 
wards of twenty millions of dollars; of which about three fourths was in 
c«tton; while the fl;mr, corn, rye, oats a;-d every specita of grain for the 
year 1825, amounted to the sum of eighty-eight dollars; and all kinds of 
animal food to thirty-four dollars; whiia at the same time, we imported 
into the United Stales from Great Britain, forty-two millions of her mer- 
chandize. Is it a matter tben> of no importance to the western country, 
which it is well kpown, has heretofore been flooded with Briush mer- 
chandize, ip mujtiply, by roads and "-.anaU", tlie only markets which we 
can have for the products of our soii What sea remains unexplored, 
-what port unvisited by the enterprize of our saamen, to gpither riches to 
pour into the lap of Great Britain? Wshave not yet, in reality, shaKen 
r*fF the fetters of our colonial vassallage. We still look to that country 
for our work-shops. Thousands of her artizans are daily employed in 
the manufacturing of artcles for American consumption, while they 

■ ^vrill not rieceive in exchange for them one cents worth of the agricultur* 
al products of this country. The question is now presented to our ag- 
riculturalists; if they will longer purchase from a nation which will not 
purchase from them. Will they stjll buy from those who will not be fed 
by them, or by the encouragement of that system, which is truly 
Americati in its character, pustain and support the artisan who 
receives his daily susteo^ce at their hands. If all other nations 
would unfetter commerce* abolish their restrictive and prohibitory 
systems, and meet us upon the ground, of fair and equal reciprocity, 
therr would be pltiusibility in the argument^ of those who oppose the 
TariflF, But when other nations are on the alert, and perpetually wa- 
Ijinp a commercial wariare by their restrictive sysiems. imposing high 
duties oil oiir productions, or prohibiting them altogether, we believe 
with the departed sage of ]yionticello, that it would be pioper "for ajs 
to do the same by theirs, first burdening or excluding those productions 
which they bring here, in competition with our own of the same kind; 
selecting next, such manufactures as we take from them in greatest 
quantity, and which at the same time, we could the soonf st furnish to 
ourselves or obtain from other countries, The oppression of our agri- 
culture in foreign ports, wculdthus be made the occasion of relieving it 
from a dependence on the councils and conduct of others, and of proino. 
t^ng arts, manufactures and commerce al home." The same venerated 
'authority speaks a more emphatic language in hi§ letter to Mr Austin^ 
in which he says, ''to be dependent for the comforts of life, we mustfahr 
ricate them ouaselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the' 
side of the agriculturalist. ♦ • # *. xhe grand enquiry now is, 
shall we make our own comforts or go without them, at the wiil of l 
foreign nation. He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufac- 
tures, -lust be either for reducing us to a dependence on that nation, or • 
be clothed in skins and live like wild beasts, in dens ar d caverns. I am 
proud to say, 1 am not one of these." Yet Mr Giles, who stands at the 
head of the opposition, in the state of Virginia, and is one of thfe warm- 
est and most zealous supporters of General Jackson in the United 
States, has proclaimed to the world. ♦' that it is unconstitutional for the 
General Government to protect our own manufacture^" To what a 



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usiserable condition would the people of Kentacky and of the wester© 
and middle states be reduced, if this tloctrine should be received as 
correrl! We no sooner lay a duty upon a foreign article, than the ef- 
fect of our legislation is counteracted by the British parliament, and ma? 
ny, without intending it, make their views subservient to British inter-* 
ests. 

In the year 1824, the Congress of the United States laid an ad valo- 
rem duty upon foreign woollens of thirty-three and a third per cent. It 
v/as laid with reference to the existing' duties in England, which was 
then on common wool six pence ster1\ng per pound. This duty m' as 
reduced to one penny per pound, on all such wool imported into Eng. 
land. This was not all — The duty on Olive oil was reduced from 115 
to lo the ton of 252 gallons to 17; that on Indigo was reduced about the 
like proportion; that on logwood was reduced horn 9s 4 to 4s 6 per ton. 
The whole of which is estimated as operating a repeal, in effect, by the 
British parliament, of at least one half the duty imposed on their wool-^, ' 
lenshy the rariff of 1824 We are now certiin of an administration, 
quietly pursuing the foot stops of Washington, Jefferson. Madison and 
Monroe, unostentatiously performing the varioiis, multiplied and impor. 
tant duties devolving upon it, and with manly firmness and energy, re. 
commending the adoption of those measures, which we believe, will pro- 
mote the lasting happiness and prosperity of the country. What may 
be effected by a change, we are not prepared to say. One thing as patriots 
and as overs of the tree institutions under which we live, we can' but re- 
gret and deeply deplore— the enthusiasm manifested for military fame 
—the disposition exhibited by a poriion of the American people, to be* 
stow the first civil bffice in their gift, from the effusions of gratitude, 
upon a vahantand successful soldier. The American people, in the full 
tide of successful experiment, should still remember that they are not 
exempt from the infirmities of human nature- The history of all repubr 
lies, speaks in a language cfudmonition to us. ft is never by open vio- 
lence, by direct and positive force, that the liberty of the people is des- 
troyed. It is by the creation of a strong party in the land, sub-- 
servient to its leader, by winning the affections and appeaUng to 
clie gratitude of the people. The history of usurpation, when traced, 
will be found in all instances, to have originated by exciting the adminis» 
tration of the multitude. Bonaparte's name was adored by the peo- 
ple he oppressed, and the death of C'^sar avenged by those he enslaved. 
The baneful influence of the example which would be set, is what 
should be guarded against. Who can say that the people, in a moment 
of military fervor for a successful general, would never lose sight of the 
constitution and liberty of their country. > Symptoms of adulation are 
already beginnirtg to exhibit themselves, which may hereafter prove 
dangerous to our dearesJ rights. The victory of New Orleans, will al- 
ways present a bright page in the history of our country; but since its 
achievement to the present moment it has not been thought necessary, 
that the General should repair to the spot, to celebrate its Anniverary, 
and that delegates should he sent from different parts of the country, to 
congratulate him on his success. Why was not this done sooner? What 
new tie, what new bond of gratitude has been sealed since the 8th of Jan- 
uary 1815* Was it customary in the days of Washington, for him to 
travel hundreds of miles to celebrate a victory he had himself achieved, 
and that on the eve of an election, at which lie was a candidate? The 
triumph of the Roman General was always decreed to him immediately 
after his return from the field of battle. Does General Jackson think 

•hat the hon-a-s awarded hii» immediately after his battle, were not 



cpmmensui'ate with the glory he gained, and docs he desire a se-coni! 
ijimn to pass under 'he iriumphal arch, and have his temples apjain bound 
by the mockery of a crown? What but nnHiary fame could shield a man 
from the effects of a course of this ki;>d? What but the dazzling eflfcct 
of success, could ever have extorted from intelligent and high minded 
freemen, a sentence of approbation for the open violation of the consti- 
tution at New Orleans, in the susp-nsion of the habeas corpus? What 
civil functionaryof the gove.rnnr.ent, stripped of his military cloa'^. wobl'd 
dare to say to the people £ have openly and knowingly violated your 
constitution, but I did it from neressitv — I did it for your goods. All 
succeeding generals from the ])rer.edei)t se^, are now at liSieity to be- 
come the judges of this necessity, and to say when the constjttuion is to 
be violated, and V, hen not. 

It is hardly possible (o conceive of any thing more fraught \vi;h 
danger to the republic, than the example which has thus been set. 
How often if elected President, he may think the safety oj 'he perplc 
required ihe constitution to be violated, remains yet to be seen. Yet 
his partisans ascribe honor anff glory to liim for his worst eiroVs ^ixl 
openly vit'idicate the correctness of this viola ion of the consliuuion, 
the forcible and lawless dissoliition of the legisla'ive assenibly, and 
the impriionment of a judge for the discharge of a duty he was 
bgund to perform bj his oath of office. What but the infatuaiion -a- 
rising from military zeal could enlist taiems and learning in defence 
of the execution of the six militia men, after their term of service 
had expired, and when they were told by their officers, that there 
■*i^as no law longer to detain them? Ilad not the sunshine of pros- 
perity shed its beams around him, or had disaster and defeat mr'.rked 
his footsteps, what would have been the senience of an inpariial 
public, and of posterity, upon this, to say the le.-!st of it, unnecessary 
effusion of the blood of free born American citizen's? Ttic war was 
at an end, and he had already written to one of the heads ofdepart' 
ment, that the enemy had left our shores; but we deli^;h<. not to dwell 
upon these blots in the character of Andrew Jickaon; we would nqt 
pluck one leaf from the wreath which fame had entwined atound his 
temples. We mention them to show, that the grossest excesses in 
the character of a miliiary chieftain, united with the splendoi- of 
successful achievment, will never fail to find not merely apologists, 
but admirers. 

Without raising the mantle, which vvg are content should be thrown 
over his private character, the Whole history of the public career' 
of General Jackson, speaks his entire unfiiness for the station to 
which he aspires. Strip him of the glare of his military reputation, 
and view bis character as a civilian alone, and what claim has he to 
oursupport? In what civil station has he distinguished himself, io 
what walk in life, except in the military line, has he risen abo^'e 
mediocrity? The genius and spirit of our government, its prosperi- 
ty, the perpetuity and purity of its instituiioos, demand, that its desti- 
tiies should be wielded by statesmen and not mere soldiers. Give 
him all the patriotism and devotion to his country v/hich have been 
ascribed to him, still we are rivited in the conviction, that General 
JacUion does not possess th« necessary qualifications for the e::aUed. 



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"Station dfPresVden'. The uncontralable impetuosity and violence 
of his temp.r, af-c inaiif=*lfcd ill almost every act of his life. The 
constitution and Iaw5 uTerposc no Ij irrier a;;^a!nst the prosecu'.i>rv of. 
any ihinp he umhrliik-s. In hin famous leiter lo Mr, Swarlwout, 
Bsnlimems vtre avowed, wliicU shovir Uow little he would be £»overned 
if elected Piesit^erit, by the inconvenien'. i;fliiis of a consiilution. 
Jq speaking of the violaiion of th.*t instrument a^ New-Drleang, he 
says it jvas done r>r''ihe honor, the safey and glory of our country." 
He then proceeds to say, that *'ihal man who in times of difficulty 
iS'daviger, shall hall at any cotHse necesssry to maintain the ripjlus, & 
privileges and independence of his country, is unsijiie ) to authority." 
Augustus Caeaar, when he laid the Sijlendid foundation for the future 
(Jespousm of his country, did not halt at any course which he proclaim- 
ed to be necessary to miiiildin "tiie rights, and pivilegcs 8c indepeii. 
dente of bis country." Every deapot who has ever Iranipied under 
foot, the constiiUiion and liberty of hi.i coujjtrv, ha« screened himself 
under the pretext, that it was done fjr the hi>iior and gloiyofthat 
couniry, or to nuiutaii) ''tbe iights and piivilegcs of the people." 
VVe enier 6ur most 3 )lemn pro-est against the doctrine, that any in- 
rrividua!, clothed vviti> auihori y, when his own mind shall come iQ 
the epnduaion, that a particular q^casure is *'7ieccssr;rt/ lo maintain 
rherigh^s, and privileges and indepentlence of the country," should 
l^cl himself auihoriz::d to pursue any course, lo attain his object. 
VVhy have a consiiiution or a limit ed form of governmen', if it? func« 
lionariea sitould, neverllieleds, feel themselves at liberty to pursue 
any course, which i.n their opinion, is "neceasary to rnaintain, the 
rights, aid pri\'i'tege3 luid indestfisdence of the country." 

Of despotism nhdcr General Jackson, in the present situation of 
ottP CfMjntFy, we entertain no fears. But if elected president, and 
fime ehaJl roll on tii his course, until the party collisions of the pres- 
ent day Eiull bs buried in oblivion, who cun tell that some ambiiioua 
chiefiain may not act upon the veiy sentiment which we have here 
condemned, and riot ♦•halt at any course" to reach the sumtnit of his 
anvbition, or as would be said "which was necessary to maintain the 
rights, <ind privileges and independi^nce of ihe country." We can- 
not say that we admired much, the selection which he made of the 
person lo whom he has thus unbosomed himself: the name of Swart- 
wout makes a conspicuous figure in the history of A uon Burr. VVe 
well remember, also, in the bitter controversy between General 
.!.\ck8on and General Adair, when the old story of the latters connexr 
ion witli Colonel Uurr, was thrown up to him by General Jackson, 
Ihst he gave him the following courteous retort; ''That this affair 
rclutes only to him [Jackson^ and myself alone. Whatever were 
the intentions of Colonel Burr, I neither organized troops, nor did I 
superintend the building cf boats for him; nor did | write confiderr; 
tial icuea-i, recommending him lo my friends, nor did I think it ne- 
Gessaiy, after his failure .vas universally known, to siye myself by 
lurninij; Informer or stale witness." \Vhal was naeant by this reply 
ills unitrpcviantto en''iuii-c, 



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'' Bill it is Saict thai Gcr.eral Jackson is the rcpyblicsn cnndidatCjOnd 
liis partizans in Kenliicky };ave gnne so far as lo call themselves the 
republican party; of this sta^e. The warriir.j^ voice of that party, is 
drowhcd in the vociferous acclamanorig for the hero of Nev.--OfIean» 
The sentiments of Jefferson, as to the fitncsss cf this rnan for the 
Presidency, is no longer a matter of coiijcctnre. Governor Co!es» 
his intimate friend, has at lent^h stated, luider his own hand, ihat 
he did hear Mr. JefferFon say. "that the dTsposifjori'dn the p-^rt 
of the Ameican people, to elect Gercral Jacks-{in, w'?? the' qni^' cir- 
cumstance, since ^he revolution, ^vhich led him to doub't the durar 
bility of our insti'.uiions,*' Are we prepared to diuejjfard tire so'errh 
warning of ihis (^rcat and good man, to shut (lur e<|rs to his prophetic 
vaice, and alihough we pretend to fighi under hiu banner, (o deny 
l»is soundest maxims and moet wholesome piecejjjts. He had out- 
lived his generation, prd "elcvatcjd by th? sereiiiiy ol his mind,*' 
Above the storms cf pgr'.y ffrifc, which beit arcur^l him, he lioked 
tipon th.e pavsinp^ scenes bf^fore him. and delivered the unerrin£» jnd^:* 
ment of impartinl posterity. Shall we not iistenito ihs miid and 
persuasive voice of Madison, of him vho could net 'Mook with com- 
posure upon blood and carn;:ge;" vhom the fentlmem cf the cffe' 
concurs in pioBOuncing, Father of the ccnstituii(te? Is llje fact of* 
these fcages being rpposed to the elevation cfJachso^ evidenceihat he 
is the republican candidate. It is stated and not pretended to be 
dented, that all the sufviving flcc'ors, who \oted f'jr -Mr. Jefferson- 
in 1801, in the stale of Viri^inia. except Mr, Giloi alone, 'are r.cvr 
opposed to (he election ol Jackson. The poluiciani of tVie Jefferson 
school, have always con'Cnded ior, and rought men possessing riif- 
fferent tjualifications from those which it is known cliaracterize Gen- 
eral Jackson. ( 

It is 8aid that General Jnckson, if cler.ted, will only agree to eg;v6 
for four yearsj and this is urged as a reason in favrr of his election. 
How this is ascertained, is not for us to isy, tices it conie fiom ' 
the general himself? If no', who has a light to fay that ke wilj only 
serve four years.? If he should scivc one teim, J^nd hie country 
should deriiand his services for a Eecord. alierthe example of 
Washington, Jdfferson, Madison, G.^d Monroe, woyld he refuse to 
serve? Has he thrown aside the iemimcDt borrowecj of the lamen- 
ted L^wndfes, that the office 15 neither to be sought o^.decltned? H?? 
he said to the swarm of aspirants in his traio, "I will lonly be in your 
Way for one term?" Has he been bargaining in hisl own ranks, .'»t 
the very moment he is throwing- out the charge of cbrruplion «1pan 
his opponents? It not how is it known (hat he will bnly serve fo'JV 
years? Did he, when his fritnd cf the sou'h, Mr. Calhoun, with- 
drew from the list ofcardidaies for the Presidency, and gave hit?; 
his support, thenj^'hispcr into his ambitious ear, (hat one term was 
all lie asked for? ' IfAr "buinl no micnJght taper," wc would ?sk 
by whom were the plans flevi.sed which suddenly conveiled a rival 
into a friend? Shall we displace the present incumbent to giau?r 
tlifl ffmbiiion of the "mi'iTRry chief'.ain,*' for "one term onlj'V 



^t no period sirce the org^anization of the government, Has the' 
country exiiihited a t^reater cleg;iee of prosperity. An undeviaiio^ 
reUance upon the maxims of Washington, a firm adherence to the. 
■♦jrlnciijles of Jefferson, pure and unsullied patriotisii), and incorrop- 
lible integrity, we siacerely believe, characterize the present admin- 
istration. Peace and ttanquiiiiy at honrie — respect among foreign 
nations — an increasing revenue— a diniishing debt — a full treasury- 
new life and energy in that department, which pours light and infor- 
mation into every Ycin and artery of our great eonfederaied body— all- 
concur in forcing convicti(?n up an our minds of the virtue and wis* 
dom 'f those who manage cur affairs, 

Wliat can «e expect to gain by a changp for General Jackson^ 
Hi6 friends, who compose the opposition, offer no great measure 
for ihe consideration of the American people. They propose no 
eysiem by which -.ve can conceive we would be beliered. — They at- 
Vempt lo clog tlic wheels of government, and bring into public odi- 
um, measures which some oi them have at diffeient limes advoca- 
ted, as essential lo the happisiess and prosperity of the country. In- 
ternal improvement?, when recommended by Mr. Jefferson, were 
deemed constitutional. The protection of home induairy, and the 
creation of a home market, when recommended by all preceding 
Presideiits, was considered as demonstrating their desire to emanci- 
pate us from a dependence on Bri.ish industry. But "how unconsti- 
lutiopa!, how cunaoldiating, how unequal, how mad," when the same 
things, are recc m mended by iMr. Ad-^.ms. 

The toneofc jniptaint and fault finding is rang throughout the 
•^btiutiy, wUhout belter measures beir.g offered or proposed. In 
one part ot the liountry, where ihe tariff and internal improvements 
are supposed to be unpopular, the cry of consolidation and the yiola- 
iion of state rigi»tsisrungin the people's ears; in another pari, where 
public opinion bias long been settled in favor of this American policy 
General Jackscn is represented as its advocate, his military exploit* 
are blazoned foith, and the stale cry of {'bargain and corruption" 
is siiU cor.tinut d. At the very moment that, ihe greatest nojse is 
made about imrigucs i.ufl coalitions, it ivas announced by ^letter 
.from a reprcsciiiaiive of liic people, to the Legislature of ihe high- 
irhfticlcd State oi: Virginia, that the ^'ccml)inaiion>i'" to putdoAn the 
administration were almoKt completed. It is a saying whiqh time 
has sanciio'jed as (rue, that those who are conscious of iheir own mo- 
ial obliquity, pre always most ready to suspect it in others. 

The appoiictment of our disiinguished fellow citizen, Henljr 
f^hiy, to the dignified station he now (ills with such honor to him- 
^eli and benefit to the country, was the signal for the formation of 
iliese "coiTibina'ionb" spoken of. When every effort had failed to 
aliure him from that course, which his conscience told him he should 
Ehould pursue— when Gen. Jackson had said '.hat his iniimaie friend 
"might say lo Mt . Clay and his friends" i+iat he had never intinftaled 
that be would continue Mr. Adams in the department of stale, and 
when that friend, in the presence of Mr. Clay, hsd intimated to a 
Member of Congtess of this State, that if General Jackson was e- 



Icc^ecV Mi% Clay would be Secretary of State; ttrljeJI all thes^ 
things could not move hitn, the infamous lettei- of 25th Januarv, 
1325, which George Kremer was made to father, was phbhshed h\ 
<he Columbia (^l^server, to deter him from the diacliai-gc of his duty. 
Had be Ijslt the justice of tiie cliarpe exhibi'cd against hirn, ho 
might, irt the language of General Jackson, have sought "safety 
through covert ways and hidden ambuscades;^' but conscious of 
the purity of his mptive8» with (he indignant feelings ot injurecl in-! 
nocence, he boldly and fearlessly prcclaimed in the public pajJers, 
the author of that letter "a base and infamous calumniator, a daatar^'l 
and a Ji^r." If he had been guilty of the corruption charged a- 
gainst him, -what better opportunity could be afforded of making H 
manifest to the American people.? The writer pledged himself to 
prove^ to the satisfaction of uhprejudiced minds; the accuracy of his 
statements, and Mr. Clay derhandcd an investigation of his conduct 
from the House of Representatives, stating if he was guilty, that he 
cleserved immediate expulsion. Whof was it then, that was in 
favor of that inquiry? Who was then seeking covert ways and hid- 
cjen abuscades? The friends of Mr. Clay were eager for an inves- 
tigation by the proper tribunal, while nearly all the friends of Gen- 
eral Jackson, including James Bucffonan, the **distibguished raen.ber 
of Congress," McDufiie, Carobreieng, Findloy, Floyd, Hamilton, 
Houston, Ingham, Randolph Tatnall, and a host of others were op- 
f)Osed tojt. If they really believed him guilty why not have voted 
for an enquiry, and arlrayed their evidence against him? Or did it 
Ijuit purposes better, to endeavor to blast his character by secret 
whispers, and indulge their spleen in sweeping denunciations and 
empty declamation, ^Notwithstanding the opposition, a committee 
was selected by ballot, to investigate his conduct; and ailhouffh tho 
honorable George Kremer had said lie "\yould cry aloud ancfspare 
not,'' an^ rose in hi* seat lo express his entire acquiesence, in the 
course taken by Mr. Clgy-r-when it was made known that the coto- 
rnUtee ivas ready to heat- the proof, he meanly shrunk from the boM 
Stand he had aisymed, and denied the authority of the House pi- 
Representatives or iheJr committee to hold him responsible, as he 
9aid, for Having wriUen the letter. Was it the business of Mr, Clay, 
then, to go forward an4 prove that he was not guilty? When hia 
enetpi^s refused to bring forward their evidence, because thfcy had 
none, apd voted against an inquiry into his conduct, was it the pare 
of liberality, of generosity of feeling, of magnanimity of heart, assas- 
sin like to fiteb at his reputation in the dark, and boldly utter charges 
behind his back, when they had shruiik from a fair and open inves- 
^igalion befpre his face? 

But the scepe was not to cl6se here. This was the first act only 
of (he dramst f^hich wa,^ to be presented to the peopl* of the United 
3tatcs. The Marplot of jthe piece personated by Carter Beverley 
mad^ bis appearance on the stage. He had been at the hermitage^ 
^nd 'had the fctonior of conversing with General Jackson; who to)d 
4in> beiiare all bh compjiny, that Mr. Clay*s friends made a propg-, .- 



C 10 ^jf' 

ijtion toViis friends, that if they would premise foi- him not to :od 
Mr. Adams into the scat of Secretary of State, Clay and his friendfi 
would in one hour make him (Jackson) the President. Then conies 
the version of the story, by General Jackson himself. *«That in 
January, 1825, a rtiembcr of Congress of high respectability, vis- 
ited me one morning, arid observed — "he had been informed by the 
friends of Mr. CI.ay, that the friends of Mr. Adams had made over- 
tures to them, saying, if Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid 
i)f the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clay should be Secretary of Stale; 
that the friends of Mr. Adams were urging, as a reason to induce the 
Yriends of Mr. Clay to accede to this proposition, that if I was elect- 
ed President, Mr. Adams would be continued Secretary cf State, (in- 
uendo, there would be no room for Kentucky) — that the friends of 
Mr Clay stated, that the West did not wish to separate from the 
West, and if I would say, or permit any of my confidential friends 
to say, that in case I was elected President, Mr. Adams should not 
te continued Secretary cf State, by a complete union of Mr. Clay 
and hia friends, they would put an end to the Presidential contest in 
one hour; antl he was of opinion it was right to fight such intriguers 
with their own weapons." Concluding by stating that this impor- 
tant disclosure was made by James Buchanan, a distinguished Mem- 
ber of Congress. 

It will be recollected that it was early in January that this disclo- 
sure was made, according to General Jackson; yet he remains in 
the city until the month of March, upon the most friendly and inti- 
mate terms with Mr. Buchanan, at the very time, too, that Mr, Clay 
and his friends were inviting a scrutiny into his conduct, and not i 
whisper ia heard about it, and no further explanation sought of his 
"distinguished friend." When acting as the guardian of the people's 
rights, he was to remain silent, for fear of "having ascribed to him 
improper designs," yet it was not wrong for him, in a mixed com- 
pany from different states, at his own house, boldly to make the 
charge of corruption against his competitor for office. He says, 
♦*lhe beginning of this matter was at my own house and fire-side, 
where surely a freeman may be permitted to speak on public topics, 
without having ascribed to him improper designs." If this were the 
beginning of this matter, we would ask what we are to think of the 
positive assertion of the editor of a paper devoted to his interest, that 
the same thing was stated to him by Cicnerai Jackson, in January 
1825, 

But what says his only witness, Mr. Buchanan, to whom he refer- 
ed. "I called upon General Jackson upon the occasion which I have 
mentioned, solely as his friend, upon my own responaibiliiyt and not 
as th« agent of Mr. Clay or any other person, I never l)ave been the 
political friend of Mr. Clay since he became a candidate for the of- 
^ce of President, as you very well know — The exception never 
once entered my mind, that he believed me to have been the agent of 
Mr. Clay or of his friends, or that I had intended to propose to him 
terms of any kind ;fi'om theno, or that he could havs supposed mfc 



capable of expressing the opinion that it was ''right to fighl such in- 
triguers with their own weapons I" 

The deaial of Mr Buchanan is so clear and vmequirocal. it eo 
completely acquits Mr. Clay aadhi^ friends of every charge which 
General Jackson has brought against them, that wo believe that 
his mind must be strangely organized, who can longer doubt upoft 
the subject. General Jackson says he may have done Mr Clay in- 
justice, if so, the gentleman can explain. That explanation has 
been made, and the injustice which General Jackson, at his own 
fire-side, was doing Mr Clay, is now made manifest to an impartial 
world. He must, upon this charge, now stand acquited at the bar 
of public opioiouj acquited too by the direct, the positive, the ex- 
plicit statement of General Jackson's own witness. If General Jack- 
son possesses the generosity and magnanimity of a brave and inde- 
pendent soldier, should not he also acknowledge the erroneous con- 
clusions which bis mind came to and frankly declare to the 
world, that he did do that which he acknowledges he may have 
done?" 

But whatever we may have thouj^ht, from the open and manly 
character which is attributed to General Jackson, be would do, we 
are now constrained to believe, that he is as far as ever from do- 
ing Mr Clay Justice. The argument, as it has been gravely termed 
& the resolutions of the Tennessee Legislature, disregarding the ex 
plaoation which General Jackson thought would do Sir Clay justice 
assert boldly, the corruption of the present admiaistration, and de- 
clare that positive eFidence of it wouid be rather "currous than val- 
uable." Yet strange to tell, the very body which unanimously 
voted the correctness of this charge, without the produciion of the 
shadow of evidence, with the solemn oaths they had taken, register- 
ed upon their journals, refused to request their representatives to 
bring forward an impeachment against the very men they have 
thus boldly charged- If they could come to a conclusion upon 
their oaths, that there was corruption in the election of President, 
would the same evidence upon which they acted, have no effect up- 
on the minds of the constitutional triers of impeachments? They 
have asserted guilt, and corruption upon their oaths, and yet when 
asked to have the same thing asserted and brought forward in a 
tang' >le shape, where the accused can have an opportunity of de- 
fending themselves, they recoil from the investigation. Can the 
objects and intentions, the true motives by nhich they were actua- 
ted, longer be doubted? True, we have no positive evidence of 
their motive^Vhut this in their own language would be ^^rathcr curU 
9V.9 than ualuaMeP 

VVa» more or better evidence wanting of Mr! Clay's entire inno- 
cence, of the chaar^s brought against him than the explanations 
whxh have alreadjfi^een given to the public, we could appeal to his 
declaration to Dr^'^a^rake, Mr. Crittenden, and other acquaintan- 
ces, of unimpeaclied ihtegrity, that if be should not be returned 
to the House he wot^d i>ot think of voting fjr General Jackson. 



In a !e{(er he wrote to Dr. Goodman, in 1823, he used the (qU 
Igwjng strong language. *'Ioee«I not contradict to yoa a report 
of a coalition between Mr. Crawford end me. I have comie to no 
understanding, entered into no arrangenaents, made no promise/, 
entangled myself in no engagements of any sort wiih any candidate 
nor with the friends of any candidate — and, so help me God I 
v/ill not. t neither can nor have, nor will seek to inflaence or con- 
trol the choice of my friends, in regard to the other candidates. 
I believe them incapable of being influenced by me, or I am sure l 
should not consider them worthy of being my friends." But Gen- 
eral Jackson's statement to Beyerly, upon the authority of Mr Buc- 
hanan was a^adeJQ March ^B.2f, — The conversation virith MrlJdc- 
hsnap, took place e^rly in January 1S25- In a debate ^hrch occur- 
red io the Hoqje of |lepreseotativ«:8, on the 2d day of February 
following, rpsppcting the closing of the galleries, Mr Buchauai^ 
s^id, "what are the cpnsecmences which will reiult, Jrom cIoaip.g 
the doova of the gallery? We shall impart to the election, an air 
qf mystery. We shall give exercise to (he imaginations of ihe 
tpultityde, in ccDJecluring what scenes are acting within Ihia Ilall, 
Busy rumor. ^t'ilU her hundred tongues, , will circulate reports of 
wiii^ed combinalions, and of corruption which have no existence. 
Al'^tCEant. our republic is in its infancy. At this tia^e he enter^ 
,«a^d ''no fear olcoriupiion./' Thp whole circumstances attend. 
;^g^bc coriTereation T\iih General Iackfip.p, roust then have been 
■|r^ ia his mind' The charge of corruprion h;^d been publicly made 
l),f%rcmer, and denied by iVlr Clay. It was the topic of universal 
conversation. £c the subject of daily txewspaper discussion- Coyld 
this "dislinguished member of Congress," with a knowledge cf the 
existence of a "corrupt bargain," have declared in the. face of the 
\yhole naticn. and of tiie wotld, (hat corruption had no exislencQ 
there, i]pd (hat he entertained po fear of it.^ He predicted truly 
biisy rumor witb her huRc^red tongues did circulate reports of wicl^c- 
cd combiDatiqns, aad of corruption which had no existence; but 
etranger than all, long^ after this prophetic speech had been publicly 
delivered, and printed in the jourpale of the day, General Jijckson 
made his charge of corruption against Mc Clay, and referred to the 
very man to prove it, who)iad thus denied the exis ence of any. 

We hope we shall be pardoned fur thus minutely tracing the 
hjstory of this sjory of corruption. The name of our fellow-citi- 

■ zen Henry Clay is dear to qs. His fame and his teputajtion should 
be dear to Kentucky. He has unceasingly and with true devotion 

■ to our best interests, and with a patriotism which hiV never been 
questioned until now, devoted his time, his talentaj^Sipd his b^st en- 
ergies to the cause of his country. He rose among ttreVy the alrenpth 
5^nd superiority of hi» native geoious. At an eiiJy period of his life 
heuni.ed his destiny with ours. For more th«Q twenty years, has 
he acted a conspi::uous pi^rt [\^ the coufipils of th6 nation. His sen* 
^timeqts upon all great national questions, were delivered with ao 
eloquence and a boldoesa peculiar to-himsejf, lathe most animated^ 



< rs) 

augry and obstinate debates, he has stooci firm and unshakea. Ja, 
ihe most disastrous periods of opr hiatory, when the clouds of ad-. 
yer«ity seemed to thicken around U3, his voic6 aniipated his coun- 
trymen to exertion, and roused the gourags and patriotism of thp 
oatioD, . 

He boldly urged us to lbs list appeal of nations, against the op. 
pvessious of a foreign powers sustained us by his undaunted firmnesa 
and moral courage, in the hoiir uf trial, and tinally aided in the ije- 
i>otiation of an honorable peace. He has been the friend of liberty 
lhrou{;hout the world. His eioquepce hag reached the remotest rtfr 
giong of South Ameijra, and w'.-.en patriot armies have been almost 
ready to give up the contest, the leadinj^, at the head of their Icgio'.^* 
of his speech upon South American emancipation, has roused 
their drooping energy, and fired their hearts with renewed courage 
and patriotism. When our Union was shaken to its centre, in ilie 
discussion of the l^Jiasouri question, \vhen party ?»rlfc on that subject 
raged, with most violence, the elccjuence ot Mr Clay was like poui> 
ing oil on the troubled waves. The tempest (f passion and pariy 
feeling Was calmed, and Missouri wasadtTiilted a menibcr of the 
Union. AVJth a reputation based on services, which endeared him 
to hisQwn state, we can not, we do not believe the foul charge of cor- 
ruption, engendered in disappointment, and nurtured ia^naHgniiy— 
the worst feelings of the human heart. ^-W. •' '■• x 

But it is said that the former diQ'crencc between Mr^C'hy'and Mc 
Adams ^vas conclusive proof that he was corrupt in votTftg fur hiu). 
If this principle coul J apply to Mr Clay, it surely ii equaliy applica- 
ble to others. Was iiot General Jackson the bitter aiVJ "ir.veleratc; 
enemy of Mr Crawford, brought tut as is now said as a candidate 
for the Presidency, solely to defeat his prospect, and did he^not af- 
tet^vards become his friend? If it wascoriuptin Mr Clay to vote 
for Mr Adams, when there never had been a personal difference be- 
tween them, when Mr Clay had or.jy stated, that iMr Adams had 
committed some errors in relation to the treaty at Ghent, "no doubt 
unintentionally," iiv what light arc we to view the sudden reconcdia- 
tjon between Jsckson and Benton, avov/ed, open, deadly enemies? 
tVliai are we to think of the uiietp«cied, zealous and dictatorial inr 
terfereoce of Mr Benton, u Scnatoi*^f the United Stales, in behalf of 
Cieneral Jackson, in the late eleclion.pf President? If ihisargumei^t 
could prove the g'uilt of Mr Clay, how much more guilty would he 
have been if he had voted for General Jackson? He had solerr.nly 
declared, upon the floor ot Congress, that General Jackson had vic' 
lated positive ordersj and trampled under foot the constiiuticn and 
Jaws of the country. The tiiuraph of General Jacksnn, he fiad 
long before declared, would be "« iriunijih of the f)rinci(ile ofinsub' 
ordination — a triumfi)i of t/ip military over the civil authority — a 
trium/ih over the powers of •'■Congress''''— a trium/ih over the consti' 
fusion of the land — and he most devoutly prayed to heaven ihot it 
•iiiight not prove in its ultimate effects and consequences, a irivm/i/f 
3vfr the liberties dfthepco/ik." Entertaining these views, could h^ 



have hesiiiatcd fgr wtiom he should vote? 

But ini^jenuiiy and sopbisti-y, ai if determhicd not to be b£ffle<l, 
ftave contended that if General Jackson was to blame, Mr Adams, 
KS Secietaiy of Stite, defer.ded his course in the controversy on the 
the hubjecl with the Spanish minister, and tlut Mr Clay iherefoie. 
should have the sanne o^jeciion, on iliat score, against him. Thoee 
who are acquainted with our relations with Spain at that time, and 
with the histury of that period, could hardly have faJlcn into so gross 
an errc/r.- Mr Clay publicly approved the defence made by Mr Ad- 
ams for General Jackson; and distinctly declared that "the subject 
prcienicd two distinct aspects susceptible in his judgment of the 
most clear and precisp discriminatioo. The one he would call its 
forc!(*n, the other it« domestic aspect. 1:1 regard to the first, he 
Avould say, that he approved entirely of the conduct of his Gavcm- 
rr.cnt, and that S|'ain liad no ciase of complain'. Having violated 
an iiv.portant stipulation of the treaty of 1795, that power had justly 
subjected herself to all ihe conacqqences which ensued upon the 
entry into her dominions, an:l it belonged not to her to complain of 
those nvcasures wliich vesuUed from her breach of contrad; still less 
had she aright to cxaniir.e'in'.o the considerations connected with the 
domestic aspect of the subject.'' 

Mr Clay felt himself constrained tp choose between Mr Adat7:s 
and General Jnckson. He knew Mr Adams to be a man of long aod 
tried iiitegrijy, taken into the public service by Gen V.-'ashiiigtcn, 
and recommended by him as "the most valiiable character we had 
abroad." IJe had received the coiifidence of Jefferson, of Madison, 
and of Monro,". He had become intimately ac.]uainted with all our va 
rious and multiplied foreign relalians. He had practically exhibilec/ 
his devotion to republican principles and the righf of iostruclicn, by 
re'>igning his seat aa a Senator of the United S ates, when he eould 
not vote the will uf hisSluie in opposition to the administration of 
Mr Jefferson. He had ably and eloquently, and %viih manly firm- 
ness, opposed British oppressions upon our cornmerce, and the im- 
pressment of our seatTien. He had efHcienlly, and in various sta- 
tions, sustained our reputation abroad. He bad, for eight years, in 
the administraiicn of the government at home, the first and most im- 
portant s^a'ion in the cabinet; w.'vich he filled to the entire satisfac- 
tion of the public. His great talents, learning and experience were 
admitted by all. The moral integrity cf his piivate character, com- 
manded tl^e rejp^ctof those most violently opposed to him. It was 
above suspicion, abive reproach, Such is the chatacter of the man 
that Mr Clay is tn be condemned for Toting for, in opposition to 
General Jackson. 

But party politiciatjs have given partial exlrarta from the jour- 
oals olCoDgreiS. and attempted to impose the belief upon the pub-^ 
lie mind, that he was opposed to the acquisition of the territory of 
Louis ana. If this were true & const imted a diequalifieaticn for the 
office Mr Jefferson, Mr Madison and Mr Mcoroe surely betrayed 
ihe trcr^t cflhe people to reposing coDfidcnce in bim. If it ie * 



.(Ms ) 

a fcasoD tvhy we should not now vote for liim, ii surely should 
have been a reason why those men, who were best acquainted with 
the circumstances of his votes shoulrl feave withheld their iujpcrt 
from him. General Jackson himself being a catdidate fur the 
Presidency may be presumed to liave been acquainted with his 
course upon this subject £c in his letter to Mr Monroe of 18th March 
1 827, he aaid to him ''I have no hesitation in gajiog you have made 
the best selection to fill the department of slate that could be made. 
Mr Adams in the hour of difficulty will be an able helpmate and I 
am convinced that his appointment will afford general satisfaction," 
If he were the best selection for the department of state which 
could have been made in the opinion of General Jackson, how can 
the friends of thst gentleman consistently contend that his votes oo 
the subject ot Louisiana should be any objection to himr General 
Jackson when he ivas not his competitor for office, did not think 
the objections against him were worthy of notice, and bow can he 
expect that the freemen of this country will God objections when he 
could see none. But no mans views have been moie perverted, ;h6 
folitical course ofnostateman in our country has been more dis' 
torted, than that of Mr Adams upon this subject Having been e- 
lected by the republican party of his own state over Timothy Picker- 
ing the federal candidate, he took bis seat in the Senate of the U- 
nited States in the fall of 1803; and af the same session he made 
an elegant and able speech in favor of the purchase of Louisiana. 
He spoke of the acquisition of that territory in stjch terms as con- 
vinced the nation, that he was not to be classed among those politi- 
cians, whose votes were goverened by local feeling or whose opin- 
ions were the result of sectional jealousy. He voted for the appro< 
priation necessary to carry the treaty into effect; and in bis wbo?e 
course upon this subject te evinced his sincere convicticn ofthe 
wisdom of ibia greatest act of Mr Jcffersons administration. Bat 
MrAdams thought that an amendment ofthe constitution wooidbe 
neceeeary preparatory to its admission as an independent state inta 
the Union; it is now ascertained that Mr Jefferson in a letier, he 
wrote about that period to Mr Duabar of Mississippi coincided en-^ 
tiiely with the views of Mr Adams. To show that his objection 
was based solely on what he conceived to be a want of a de6nite 
grant of power in the construction ofthe constitution to form new 
states oat of territories acquired by purchase; beyond the limits of 
the United States, he proposed and advocated an amendment whicb 
would meet the emergency which had arisen. H^id he been opps- 
led to the acquisition ofthe territory be would not ihas have used 
his influence and his exertions to remove all diflScultics aboui its 
ftiture government When his whole course upon this subject shalT 
bo thorougly investigated and properly understood, we hazard no-* 
thing in saying in his own language "it will stand the test of homaa 
scrutiny, of talents and of time." 

In conclusion we would ask what can Kentucky promise herself 
by th e support of General Jackson ? Will the great Americ«D e^i- 



tenj, domestic Mscu'aclares nodlQicinal Improvements so eas^ 
tifkl ic our prosperity, receive io a greater degr.ee the fosienrg^ care 
o/'tbe government? Does his vote in in 1824 to strikeout the duty 
of Scotch baggii.'g entile him to our peculiar consideration? Does 
bis final asgent to the compromise of 3 3-4 cents persquare yard 
6n (hat article give him any strong claims to otir support? In 
■what instance has he advocated a measure which would advance 
our interest, or shown the least respect to our interest, 
and character? Under his command a great and glorious victo- 
ry was achieved at |^ew Orleans, but the same document which 
will transmit theaccoHot of thia battle, lo posterity and which is 
lodged in the archieves of -the nations contains the statement ofthe 
inglorious flight of the "Kentpcky reinforcements, drawing 
after them by t(ieifex?,mple he remainder of the lorces." When 
called upon to correct that, which the unanimous eeiatiment pf those 
Who have investigated the facis io this case, pronounced an "un- 
merited mipu(alion," he has added insult to injury. When pro 
ven by the most respectable men of the country that we bad a 
fhf.usand to, twelve hundred effective soldiers in the battle on the 
left baok'bf the river where glory was gained, he persisted to the 
last in asserting that there was only five hundred and fifty; and af- 
terwards contended that there were even a less number. When 
shown to the sausfaction of any unprejmliced mind, that Ih^re wfere 
on y about 170 Ken uckians on the right bank of the river, badly 
armed, and who bad been constantly oo the march for 14 hour* 
without receiving sustenance of aoy kind, he refused to correlJtlhe 
cxpr'.ssion in h»A rcpoit .h:i» th.'. c was ' a st cog detachment of 
Kentucky troops" sent ovr a. it was established befcfte the 

cour^ martial by unquestionable .esiimooy that these troops fir*d 
from ihree to seven rounds before they retreated, he did not hesi 
tate to declare that the wittiesses /lad /injur fd. themselves. In his 
ccntrcversy with Geu. Adair as late as 18 j7 he tauntingly says to 
him "you are seeking to convince the world that men or.f Aeroet 
tvho ir, glorious' y jltd before the enemy '^^ At another time ho says 
*'yoti cannotrtvnit cowards into heroes," In his order discharging 
the troops, Gen. Adair is the only < fficer from Kentucky who i» 
complioiented, and the notice of htm, (-'that troops would always be 
brave when their leaders were so") was a enecrinK sftrcasm, upon 
what he teimed the strong detachment of Kentucky troops. Col- 
onels, Majors and Captains from other etr.tes received Iheir due 
meed of praise. We would be pleased to know wbea and where 
be has ever done jnstice to our injui ed reputation. If these ikings 
eoostttute any claim to cur support, then indeed might we eiclaim 
hi the language of one who is now enlisted uiyiler bis manner^ 
"Oh Kentucky, Kentucky, wiM yuu b« Ijike the Spaniel ibatlickl 
cb» <1«j31 from the foot tliat kicks bim.'? - • 



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